Why Malaysia Changed Prime Ministers Without an Election

The short answer: voters elect MPs, not the prime minister

Malaysia’s general elections choose members of the Dewan Rakyat. Under Article 43(2)(a) of the Federal Constitution, the Yang di-Pertuan Agong appoints as prime minister an elected member who, in the King’s judgment, is likely to command the confidence of a majority of that House. An election can make the choice clear, but the Constitution does not require a new election every time that confidence changes.

Between the 2018 and 2022 elections, the same elected Parliament supported different governing alignments. Mahathir resigned in 2020; Muhyiddin was appointed, then resigned in 2021 after acknowledging the loss of majority support; Ismail Sabri succeeded him. Only the 2022 dissolution sent voters back to the polls. These are different constitutional events, not three general elections.

What changed in February 2020?

Pakatan Harapan had won the 2018 general election and formed the first federal government outside the Alliance/BN lineage. Its parliamentary arrangement came apart in February 2020 after Bersatu left the coalition and other MPs reconsidered their support. The realignment is widely called the Sheraton Move, a political shorthand rather than a formal constitutional procedure.

Mahathir’s resignation created a vacancy in the premiership. Because Parliament had not been dissolved, the relevant question was whether another Dewan Rakyat member appeared likely to command majority support. The King consulted MPs and appointed Muhyiddin Yassin, who took office on 1 March. The appointment did not reverse the 2018 election result; it reflected a new alignment within the House elected in 2018.

This distinction also explains the debate over legitimacy. A constitutionally appointed government can still face political arguments about whether voters expected that coalition. The legal test and the political judgment are related, but they are not identical.

Why did Muhyiddin resign in August 2021?

Muhyiddin governed through the first COVID-19 waves, the Movement Control Order, economic relief measures and a 2021 emergency. His Perikatan Nasional administration also relied on a narrow and changing parliamentary majority. As support was withdrawn, he said on 16 August 2021 that he no longer commanded the confidence of most Dewan Rakyat members.

Article 43(4) provides that a prime minister who ceases to command that confidence must tender the resignation of the Cabinet unless Parliament is dissolved at the prime minister’s request. Muhyiddin’s resignation address expressly cited the provision. It is unusually clear primary evidence that this change of government was caused by lost parliamentary support, not the end of Parliament’s term.

The King then had to identify another member likely to command confidence. Ismail Sabri Yaakob, who had been appointed deputy prime minister in July, was sworn in as the ninth prime minister on 21 August. The same Fourteenth Parliament continued.

How did Ismail Sabri keep a fragile government operating?

Ismail Sabri inherited both a pandemic recovery programme and a divided House. On 13 September 2021, his government and Pakatan Harapan signed a memorandum on transformation and political stability. It covered selected reforms and cooperation while PH remained outside the cabinet.

The memorandum was not a new election and did not merge government and opposition. It was a practical response to a narrow parliamentary margin: support for agreed measures could make governance more predictable even when the parties continued to compete. It also helps explain why this administration survived until Parliament was dissolved in October 2022.

What was different after the 2022 election?

GE15 finally replaced the 2018-elected House. Yet it did not give any pre-election coalition the 112 seats needed for a majority in the 222-member Dewan Rakyat. PH was the largest aligned bloc, but being largest was not the same as being able to govern alone. BN, GPS, GRS and other MPs became important to government formation.

After negotiations and royal consultations, Anwar Ibrahim was sworn in on 24 November under the Constitution’s appointment provisions. His administration included PH, BN and regional partners, with Ahmad Zahid Hamidi and Sarawak’s Fadillah Yusof serving as deputy prime ministers. On 19 December, the new House approved a confidence motion by voice vote.

The contrast is useful: 2020 and 2021 brought new prime ministers within the Fourteenth Parliament, while 2022 brought a new Parliament that then had to form a government. The same confidence principle ran through all three transitions.

Does a prime minister automatically trigger an election by resigning?

No. Resignation and dissolution are separate steps. Article 43(4) describes the consequence of losing confidence and allows for a requested dissolution; it does not say that every resignation dissolves Parliament. Where the House remains in place, a successor can be appointed if likely to command majority confidence.

That is why a list of prime ministers alone cannot explain this period. To understand each change, ask three questions: Was Parliament dissolved? Who appeared to have majority support in the existing House? Was that support later tested or withdrawn? The answers distinguish the 2020, 2021 and 2022 events.